What Is To Be Done?: Combating Neoliberalism on Campus through the Student Movement

by Connor Harney

In a 2013 article published in the Guardian, Peter Higgs, the famed Nobel Prize-winning Physicist, lamented at what he perceived as lack of productivity within the context of the new academic culture.  Higgs, who published only 10 articles after his award-winning research on the process by which subatomic materials acquire mass, stated that had he been held to the current expectations of publishing an article a year: “It’s hard to imagine how I would ever have enough peace and quiet in the present climate to do what I did in 1964.”^[1] The case of Higgs is merely anecdotal evidence of the larger problem within higher education, which is that those in charge have succeeded in proletarianizing academia—instead of real meaningful work, professors are judged by the quantity of their publications, so that the administration can tout the productivity of the faculty along with the litany of little worker bees that they crank out every year like an assembly line. Many of our most brilliant minds are being stifled by such a system, and choose to pursue less meaningful work over substantiality because many of them are afraid of losing their increasingly tenuous employment at their university.  These relations do not merely apply to faculty, but students as well.  More and more, a degree from a university no longer symbolizes knowledge acquired through vigorous intellectual pursuits, but instead an investment, with some having better returns than others.

Portrait of Peter Higgs by Ken Currie (Photo source: Wikipedia)

In the age of Neoliberalism, governments around the world and the powers that they represent are slowly but surely integrating all aspects of life into the marketplace. Human relations are one by one being transformed into market relations and gradually alienating human beings from one another.  These relations have been applied to the UNC system and public university systems across the country and thus, higher education has become increasingly inaccessible to those coming from low-income families as tuition has gradually become one of the most important levers to funding these institutions.  Rather than being treated as places of refuge for the pursuit of knowledge, higher education becomes a business, as they increasingly function not from state allocated funds, but from consumers themselves, in this case, the students.  Ultimately, these students lose their role as students, and instead take on the dual role of consumer and commodity. It does not matter that often times these degrees become diluted and cease to mean that the student has acquired a well-rounded education, but instead, has proved that they could be a vessel to be filled with “facts” and “answers” day in and day out for four years, but knowing just as much as they did when they came in.

Unfortunately, this trend does not seem to be going anywhere. Despite the fact that, as David Harvey has noted, “the closer the economy converges on its pure state, the deeper crisis will likely become,” as long as the politics of austerity are championed by politicians both of the liberal and conservative variety.  This means the more that public works continue to be privatized and the less regulations are put upon private enterprise, the more detrimental future economic crises will become.^[2] As long as what little social safety net and welfare is up for grabs, and the tendency toward privatization remains intact, working people already suffering will only suffer more the next time a crisis wracks our economic system. And, in many ways, this crisis of overproduction is making itself felt, and as long as many can no longer afford to consume given their current situation, there is not enough spending to realize surplus-value in the market.  In practical sense, this means that the university system will increasingly place the burden of funding on students, as the state slowly but surely privatizes the university system and turns it into an industry that is open to the fluctuations of the market. This is evidenced by the allocations of funding for the UNC system. For the 2014-2015 fiscal year, around $1.7 billion went to fund Appalachian State and the 16 other universities that make up the university system, while around $2.7 billion was appropriated from tax revenues within the state budget.  In effect, the amount of funding through tuition amounted to a third of the university system’s budget across the state.^[3]  It is no surprise then, that there is such a problem with student debt in this country, and if the trend continues, this onus put on the students will become more pronounced. Not only does this phenomenon magnify the impoverishment of low-income students wishing to better themselves through higher education, it effectively keeps them from fulfilling their scholastic aspirations, due to their obligation to work in order to keep themselves from sinking into insurmountable debt. Who knows what great intellect we are depriving society of in this manner? 

So then, what needs to be done? Students could just throw up their hands and groan “That’s just the way it is.” A cursory look back shows that things have not always been this way, indeed, an examination of the flagship school UNC Chapel Hill’s budget for the years 1985-86 attest to this fact, as only 5.8% of the university’s funding came from tuition and student fees.^[4]  With proper pressure from below, meaning the faculty and the students, this breakdown can be made reality again. Across the country, student movements are attempting to make their voices heard, and Appalachian State is no exception. 

This semester, a group called Appalachian Student Power has organized large rallies in order to highlight the seemingly misplaced priorities of the administration.  The organization created a list of proposals that they made public. It is a powerful document indeed, in that it suggests ways that funds could be alternatively allocated in order to “create an environment at Appalachian State University that puts the mental, physical, and financial well-being of students, faculty, staff, and their families above the preservation and propagation of Appalachian State as a brand, sports team, or commodity.”^[5] This statement of purpose is essentially a battle cry against austerity and the Neoliberal ideology behind it. As a long time student at ASU, it makes me proud to see such momentum and action among the student body and can only hope that it continues. 

Author of this post, man in sunglasses holding a purple sign, protesting with the App State Student Power at a rally (Photo source: App State Student Power Facebook page)

While I remain hopeful for the student movement not only here on campus at ASU but for the wider movement nationwide, there are some suggestions that seem more beneficial to the continuation of this movement than others. First, if Mizzou has taught organizers nationwide anything, it should be the necessity to utilize and formalize collective bargaining as a means of challenging these currents in academia.^[6] What does that mean in practice? students and faculty, especially tenured faculty, as they have more respite from any tactics of retaliation that the administration may employ due to the nature of the tenure system, must band together in order to form a coherent means of making their voices heard.  This means possibly forming a viable union made up of both students and professors. Of utmost importance is the athletics department’s support of such a movement.  It was not until the football team at Mizzou came forward in support of student activists that the administration acknowledged their demands. At ASU that means possibly changing some direction—as noted above, it is not so much the allocation of funds to athletics, but rather the way that the university is funded. Thus, when discussing the role of students in this union, this must also mean student-athletes as well.  The onus should be on the state to provide education, not the young adult students entering the adult world for the first time who can ill afford to pay for their degrees without major financial assistance. This means addressing not only inconsistencies in this neoliberal logic on campus but across the state and the country as well.  The faculty has made some attempts to address this through a resolution passed through the Faculty Senate, which called into question the recent appointment of Margaret Spellings as president of the UNC system, and noted their “serious reservations” on the legitimacy of a woman who has not only made disparaging comments toward the LGBT community but was also the Secretary of Education in the Bush White House and was most responsible for the No Child Left Behind program being put at the helm of the university system.^[7]

Faculty protesting at an event (Photo sourse: Aaup Appalachian Facebook page)

Faculty protesting at an event (Photo sourse: Aaup Appalachian Facebook page)

       The faculty is right in questioning Spellings credentials, as her past only reflects the politics of privatization addressed above, but the students and the faculty must do more than pass resolutions—they must demand change.  Of course, this coalition of students and professors is undeniably important; however, there is another crucial component that has been often overlooked, and that is the role of the community. If this coalition could garner the support of the community at large, it could give real power to the movement. How can the student movement rally the large community in Boone and the wider Watauga county area? First, this would entail a massive program for community outreach. 

Many working people in town resent the presence of the university largely due to the process of gentrification that the unprecedented growth of the school has brought and the dislocation of many of Boone’s traditional inhabitants to the outskirts of town. There is also the aloofness with which many students show toward the townspeople of Boone. In order to rectify this situation, any student movement would need to think of ways to address the gentrification of the town and ways that the university can help to alleviate the worst instances of poverty in the community. Not only that, it needs to be stressed that a reprioritization of how universities are funded would make these institutions more accessible to low-income families. Instead of constructing luxury apartments that are well out of the tenable range for most working people and students, such as the newly constructed Lofts that start at $750 a month in rent, the students and the citizens of Boone should influence developers to create housing that is both affordable and sustainable (here's looking at you Meadowview).^[8]

(Photo source: App State Student Power)

Finally, while it seems that many movements across the country are resistant to allowing a formal leadership, due in large part to a desire for a democratic resistance movement, in practice, it often leads to scattered priorities and a lack of clear objectives. Hopefully, this fear can be overcome, and a more coherent movement will emerge to challenge the politics of austerity in higher education.   The coalition outlined here may mean that many activists will have to learn to work with elements that may take them out of their comfort zone, but this is a hurdle that needs to be overcome.  It will be interesting to see how the battle against Neoliberalism will play out across campuses, but it is important to remember that the United States has a long history of student movements, of which this movement will hopefully be the next chapter.  

Blogger Bio:

Connor Harney, 24, is a second year graduate student in the History Department at Appalachian State University. His specialization is in Latin American History in particular The Cuban Revolution. After his tenure at ASU, he hopes to attend UNC Chapel Hill and complete a dissertation on the role of ideological pragmatism and its relation to the continuation of the Cuban Revolution. When not engaged in coursework he enjoys all things fitness related, binge watching Netflix, and reading social and economic theory.

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^[1] Decca Aitkenhead, “Peter Higgs: I Wouldn't Be Productive Enough For Today's Academic System,” The Guardian, 6 December 2013, accessed December 3, 2015,  http://www.theguardian.com/science/2013/dec/06/peter-higgs-boson-academic-system.

^[2] David Harvey, A Companion To Marx’s Capital, vol. 2 (New York: Verso, 2013), 13.

^[3] Pat McCrory, The Governor’s Recommended Budge, 2015-2017, March 2015, accessed December 3, 2015, https://ncosbm.s3.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/documents/files/BudgetBook_2015.pdf .

^[4] UNC Chapel Hill, Fact Book 1986-87, 1^st edition, April 1987, accessed December 3, 2015, http://oira.unc.edu/files/2012/03/fb1986_1987.pdf.

^[5] Appalachian State Student Power, “Proposal from Student Power,” accessed December 3, 2015, https://www.docdroid.net/6KiEtUL/proposalfromstudentpower.pdf.html .

^[6]“UM System President Wolfe Resigns MU Chancellor to new role; UM Board of  Curator  announces significant diversity and inclusion initiatives,” Inside UM System, November 9, 2015, accessed December 7, 2015, http://www.umsystem.edu/ums/news/leadership_news/news_110915/.

^[7] Stancill, Jane, “Appalachian State Faculty Raise Concerns About Spellings,” The News and Observer (Raleigh, NC), December 3, 2015, accessed December 4, 2015, http://www.newsobserver.com/news/politics-government/politics-columns-blogs/under-the-dome/article47868485.html .

^[8] The Lofts at University Hall Drive, “Apartment Pricing and Details,” The Lofts at University Hall Drive, accessed December 7, 2015, http://www.loftsatuniversityhall.com/#!pricing/c7cs.   

Poverty and Racism in the Age of Neoliberalism: The New Face of an Old Struggle

by Connor Harney

Eric Hobsbawm once wrote that, “The destruction of the past, or rather the social mechanism that link one’s contemporary experience to that of earlier generations, is one of the most characteristic and eerie phenomena of the late twentieth century.”[1]  These phenomena have only become magnified as the triumph of neoliberalism, and its correspondent postmodern philosophy have converged to create a society that no longer has any relevant connection to the past but rather reproduces itself with little to no notion of continuity or direction.  Rather, society is in a constant process of collective forgetting, due in part to news media.  In such a world, events appear as though from nowhere.  This piece was originally written in the wake of the Freddie Gray tragedy and its subsequent fallout and condescension on social media at the violent nature of the Baltimore protests. As events have unfolded, this article is just as relevant, and allows recent events to be put into a historical context.  Back in May, many of the more enflamed reactions have come from the white community, who for the most part are isolated from the realities of urban poverty, and thus, have no groundings in their own life to understand the constant pressures faced by people of color.  The past decades have seen a rise in neoliberal policies that have in short order shred the social safety net.  No social program is safe from the politics of austerity championed by both the Democrats and Republicans.  Public schools, welfare, and social security are all on the chopping block.  It is this movement, coupled with the already existing conditions of poverty, brought further emiseration to those residing in working class neighborhoods nationwide. 

On a recent trip to Washington D.C, I could feel revolution in the air. The discrepancies in income were visible even blocks apart. High-end grocery stores were less than a quarter of a mile from public housing, which created the appearance of a war zone. Barbed wire menacingly lined the walls of the façade surrounding these buildings. I was surprised at the lack of police presence at first sight. Instead, every building was watched by at least three private security guards. When police appeared, they appeared in full combat attire: flak jacket, helmet, and what seemed to be a semi-automatic rifle. It was obvious to me at the moment, that the only way to sustain such disparities in income was through this show of force. Only through the militarization of the police and the supplementation by private security can the tensions created by such a reality be eased. It is no surprise killings of young black men by white police officers has resonated such response public outcry across the nation. The riot is merely the means by which those living under these conditions have tried to make their voices heard. The protest is simply giving voice to the voiceless. 

To say that these movements have sprung up sporadically out of nothing ignores the historical currents in the last fifty years. With the passing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, some believed the work had been done, hence the idea of a post-racial America. Yet, as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. explained in a speech in 1967, “The gains in the first era of struggle were obtained from the power structure at bargain rates. It didn’t cost anything to integrate lunch counters.”  Further, “It didn’t cost the nation a penny to guarantee the right to vote. Now we are in a period where it will cost the nation billions of dollars to get rid of poverty—to get rid of slums, to make quality integrated education a reality. That is where we are now.”[2]  King made this prescription nearly sixty years ago, but for the most part it has been unheeded.  Instead, we are in much the same place we were in 1967. This desire to gain economic and social rights along with the legal rights the black community had gained through legal channels gave birth to the black power movement of late 1960s and 1970s. It was this frustration in the lack of progress through non-violence that gave rise to black-nationalist groups like the Black Panthers and their paramilitary the Black Liberation Army. These groups were brutally repressed by the Federal Government throughout that period and rendered irrelevant as a force for mass mobilization by the early 1980s. While conditions have only deteriorated in many respects for the black community in more recent decades, for the most part organized movements have been few and far between. Instead, there have been infrequent uprisings against the continued oppression of poverty. The 1992 riots, for example were in response to the beating of Rodney King by the LAPD.  This vicious act of violence was broadcast for the entire world to see, and brought condemnation from human rights groups. 

In American society, poverty and race often go hand, and people of color are often disproportionately affected by fluctuations. The recession of 2008 has served to heighten existing disparities in wealth and brought upon a spirit of questioning of the very institutions that many in American society hold so dear. Occupy Wall Street brought forward a new dialogue that questioned the very tenets of capitalism. Suddenly, the rhetoric of the 1% and 99% became part of the everyday vernacular of many Americans. While the movement itself has petered out, its legacy still remains.  Today, low-income service workers are organizing across the country for a living wage. With all of these issues, there is one elephant continuously in the room, and that is the authority of capital and the capitalist system. To question any income equality is to question the very legitimacy of the system itself, and this awakening of consciousness has certainly shown no signs of slowing. Those who feel the failings of this system the most are the ones living in urban centers across the nation—as  they are slowly pushed out by the processes of gentrification and outsourcing, as well as cuts to social programs meant to curb the worst abuses of poverty. 

Black and Hispanic communities who represent generally between 20% and 40% respectively of those living in poverty nationwide are disproportionately affected by this turn of events. This stands in stark contrast to the white communities, which represent 10% or less of those living at the poverty level. In the District of Columbia mentioned above, this difference is even more astounding.  The black community represents 36% of those living in poverty and the white community represents only 5%.[3]  The real level of these discrepancies is probably much higher, as these statistics are calculated using the U.S. Census Bureau’s definition of poverty, which is woefully inaccurate.  For instance, the poverty threshold given for a family of five in 2014 was 28,695 dollars.[4] Given these convergences of forces, it is almost as if American society has written off the plight of these communities in favor of the continued progress for the rest. It seems that American society has decided that black and brown lives do not matter. Is it surprising, then, that a new level of consciousness has arisen, in the wake of violence against young black men and women by police in urban areas? The protests that have emerged in response and that will likely continue to do so, represent the woeful cry of the unheard, who feel they have been reduced to the level of sub-humans. 

One of the most frequent criticisms of these riots has been the destruction of property. This phenomenon can be explained and justified on multiple levels. First, businesses represent part of the apparatus of oppression. They represent the process of gentrification and are viewed by members of those communities as the invading armies of an occupational force. These businesses are symbolic of the urban diaspora of black communities from their homes. The traditional inhabitants are being replaced by urban white professionals, who bring with them skyrocketing property values that are for the most part untenable for those living on one or two minimum-wage jobs. There is also the understandable disillusionment with the system that has failed these communities. These protests have let out the pent up rage and cynicism of the black community like a social safety valve. Instead of rushing to judge the victims, it is our duty to question the very system that has relegated the vulnerable community to poverty and misery despite the promises of the 1960s, a system that has not only allowed the failing of the compact that was made all of those decades ago, but has choked, shot in the back, and severed the spine of the very will of the people. For those not convinced of the role of violence in protest, I will leave you with words of Malcolm X, who pointed out the hypocrisy of those who denounce protest simply because it does not comply with their own non-violent model for social change:  

If violence is wrong in America, violence is wrong abroad. If it is wrong to be violent defending black women and black children and black babies and black men, then it is wrong for America to draft us, and make us violent abroad in defense of her. And if it is right for America to draft us, and teach us how to be violent in defense of her, then it is right for you and me to do whatever is necessary to defend our own people right here in this country.[5]

We as a people should all stand in solidarity with the oppressed people of this nation, from Ferguson to Baltimore, and decry the violence of the state.  

Blogger Bio:

Connor Harney, 24, is a second year graduate student in the History Department at Appalachian State University. His specialization is in Latin American History, in particular, the Cuban Revolution. After he finishes his Master’s at ASU, he hopes to attend UNC Chapel Hill and complete a dissertation on the role of ideological pragmatism and its relation to the continuation of the Cuban Revolution. When not engaged in coursework, he enjoys all things fitness related, binge watching Netflix, and reading social and economic theory. 

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[1] Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: A History of the World, 1914-1991, New York, NY: Vintage Books, 1994, pg. 3.

[2]Martin Luther King Jr., “Hungry Club Speech,” May 10^th, 1967, http://www.thekingcenter.org/archive/document/hungry-club-speech (accessed September 25, 2015), pg 3.

[3]The Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, “Poverty Rate by Race/Ethnicity,” State Health Facts, http://kff.org/other/state-indicator/poverty-rate-by-raceethnicity/ (accessed September 25, 2015).

[4] United States Census Bureau, “Poverty Thresholds,” Poverty, https://www.census.gov/hhes/www/poverty/data/threshld/index.html (accessed September 30, 2015).

[5] Malcom X, “Message to the Grassroots,” October 1963,  http://genius.com/Malcolm-x-message-to-the-grassroots-annotated/ (accessed September 25, 2015).